In Africa, a mask signifies the presence of a spirit. A person who wears a mask or masquerade costume physically "becomes" another entity. This person departs entirely, his body is not his own. Instead, his body is the vehicle, the home in which the spirit will reside while on earth. Therefore, in Africa, masks and masquerades are highly regarded; they carry a much more potent intent than that of a simple disguise. A masquerade is generally a group of dances, most commonly masked in a full-body costume and an accompanying headdress. Together these people become a band of spirits, and are honored and revered during their temporary stay. This essay will discuss the general concept and implications of African masks and masquerades. The Okakagbe, performed by the Okpella in southern Nigeria, is the masquerade that will be described in the second part of the essay in order to exemplify the importance of the masking tradition in Africa.

        A Western audience always considers the person beneath a mask. Never does that performer actually "become" the being they are representing. In this sense, the wearing of a mask tends to be a personal endeavor, in both literal and metaphorical instances. For example, one may wear a costume, or one may desire to "mask" or conceal a problem. Rarely does the use of a mask or a set of masks imply anything but a personal objective. Thus, the role of masks in the Western world is relatively static: it is simply to disguise, visually transform, or merely suggest something other. "For us of the Western world who are not prone to accept incarnation, it is perhaps incomprehensible that Africans do believe in the spirits they have created, but is nonetheless true" (Cole, 20).

        The vital difference between the African and the Western concept of a mask is this: the African mask is the spirit that desires and demands something. The community must appease the spirit in order for life to continue fluently. By providing this spirit with a beautiful costume, agreeable food, colorful songs, lively music, and an audience, the spirit will be satiated and will grant the community abundance and success. In many cases, deities are inextricably tied to, or may actually embody certain elements of nature, such as sun, rain, and agricultural fertility. Thus, in order for the crops to grow, the lakes to retain water, and a prosperous survival for all, these people must conciliate these deities. Besides deities, these spirits may also be ancestors who also possess the power generate abundance, or inflict devastation. "Many African belief systems require men (and rarely women) to materialize spirits by impersonating them so that these spirits may act upon the human realm and, equally, so that people may respond to- thank, placate, entertain- the forces upon which life depends" (Cole, 22). In other words, a successful masquerade is one in which the deities or ancestors are appeased, and thus, the community is provided for.

         Again, as opposed to the Western concept of the mask suggesting a solely personal occupation, in Africa, a mask or masquerade is the combination of multiple elements, and often many people. Aesthetics, performance, and environment, play equally crucial and dynamic roles in the donning of a mask or masquerade. In the case of aesthetics, the intention behind an African mask is not to depict something realistic or naturalistic. Instead, African masks are highly conventionalized (Cole, 18). As for portraiture, the Western ideal is based on individualized details and physiological subtleties, and the African ideal aspires to capture the essence of that spirit. This often necessitates abstraction and distortion. Surely an otherworldly being would not be depicted in the same manner as a human with its natural quirks and details. Thus conventions show the spiritual and nonmaterial, and eccentricities show the mundane and terrestrial. Portraiture often extends beyond the visage. When one wears a full-body costume, the shape will often resemble something that is not human, and the materials will often be different from those of ordinary, everyday use (Cole, 19).

        With aesthetics being one of the defining and surely one of the very appealing characteristics of a masquerade, the performance component also plays a vital role in its success. The songs and accompanying instruments are indispensable in order to help capture the essence of the spirit. In addition, the dances themselves are highly sophisticated and advanced, which also develops more of the character of the deity (Cole, 17). The "spirit" will make sounds and behave in an entirely different fashion than that of the artist beneath; his disposition and natural tendencies may be decidedly altered and transformed. The purpose is to create a "total being" with all of its many facets (Cole, 17). The impersonator must therefore be adept at a great many activities: retaining many songs and chants, sketching and acting a character, dancing numerous dances with a group and solo. In all of these many feats, the artist must also radiate a sense of the divine, the supernatural. It is through the medium of performance that these spirits come alive and reveal themselves to the community. Only one who is committed and determined will be chosen to perform in these ceremonies.

        The environment in which a masquerade is performed is also vital for its success. The right mood and ambiance only serves to enhance the credibility of the masquerade and invite the spirits to visit the worldly domain. With colors and shapes twirling and leaping, an atypical atmosphere of theater is cast (as opposed to an everyday atmosphere). Theater in the Western sense implies a distinct separation between performers and audience. Most commonly, the stage is entirely independent from the uniform rows of seats below, and the interaction between the two is minimal (Cole, 22). In Africa, the audience and their collective energy only serves to flavor the setting by generating an even stronger sense of spiritual activity. The audience feels compelled to dance, clap, sing, and nod their heads along the sidelines; they are interpreting and feeling the presence and essence of the spirits. Cole compares these performances to the interactive Southern church congregations. "The spirit is part of this local African world, while simultaneously being apart from it" (Cole, 23).

        The following description of the Okakagbe, the Okpella masquerade of southern Nigeria, will exemplify many of the components of African masquerading as delineated in the first half of the essay. The Okakagbe is performed primarily for social purposes. Frequently they serve as entertainment at events such as harvest festivals. They also assist in commemorating and celebrating at burials in order to insure a fortunate afterlife. The Okakagbe may perform in order to keep management over "anti-social forces" (Borgatti 1979, 4). These masquerades often encourage and boost a cohesive sense of community in that the Okakagbe is a unique tradition of the Okpella regions (Borgatti , 27). Local administration may even arrange for the performances of these masquerades in order to give evidence and an exotic experience to visitors that may lend acclaim to the unique "culture" of their community. (Borgatti, 1979, 6). For strictly spiritual purposes, the Okakabge masquerade does indeed function for the strengthening of ties between community, ancestors, and deities through participation and worship (Borgatti, 1979, 14).

        The Okakagbe masquerade is composed of six or seven dancers, each representing spirits of the bush. Together they spin, twirl, leap, and dance in a fashion that can only be mesmerizing to an onlooker. They all wear a black undergarment upon which different cloth appliqué designs are sewn. Bright, bold, complimentary colors are used for these designs. In addition, all of them wear socks over their hands and feet, exposing no flesh, so to add to the supernatural quality of these spirits. These designs and their accompanying headdress signify their "character". All of the costumes are anthropomorphic, except one: Odogo (Ancient Mother), which is in fact played by a man. This costume is appliquéed with stars. The Odogo also wears a large headdress on which many small cloth human-like figures stand. This and her flat breasts represent her many years of nursing, and her life-giving role in the community (Borgatti 1979, 6). She is often accompanied by a child, who also wears an elaborate masquerade costume. Otugo (Respected One) wears a costume of stars and a headdress bedecked in fewer figures thus displaying significantly lesser status. The Otugo leads the dancers. Two men and one woman complete the ensemble. They are the Oyoyo (Too Fine), the Egule (Answerer of Questions), and the Odebe (Owner of the House). Their headdresses vary from group to group, but designs on the bodice tend to be appliquéed triangles.

        The remaining dancer is Idu, the bush beast: a terrifying grotesque monster. This costume greatly varies by group, but generally consists of an orchestra of dried seedpods, raffia, horns, porcupine quills, and tusks (Borgatti 1979, 8). This dancer has the ability to excite or subdue the crowds; suggesting something both frightening, horrifying, and yet mysterious. Idu may personify the inevitable duality between the town and the bush, man and otherworldly, and human and animal. This character may also illustrate the natural compliments such as: "male/female, ugly/beautiful, hot/cold, etc." (Blier, 1976). Some variations of Idu combine this monster with the attributes of the Odogo costume, which thus augments the symbolism of the role of this creature. In this case, this synthesized character called" Knock Out" not only suggests the female, life-giving capacities, the authoritative qualities of the leaders and elders in a community, but also the non-material attributes and power of the spirit realm (Borgatti, 1979, 12).

        The Okakabge is both vital for the maintenance of ties with the supernatural, and for enhancing the sense of individuality of a community in the Okpella regions of Nigeria. The elaborate costumes are conventionalized in the face and sometimes the gender, and they certainly display physical attributes that resemble nothing in the earthly realm. All of the performers join together in a number of complicated and compelling songs and dances, each trying to call upon the character of the spirit they are representing. A large, dense circle of people crowd around the masquerade both observing and taking part in the collective energy of the spectacle. As a result, a spiritual, focused atmosphere is created. In the 1970’s the Okakagbe was still being performed, so it may be inferred that the divine beings and spirits that the performers are impersonating have been and will continue to be contented by these honoring rituals.

Bibliography

Borgatti, J. African Arts. "Okpella Masking Traditions", vol 9, July 1976: pp. 24-33.

Borgatti, J. From the Hands of Lawrence Ajanaku. Los Angeles: University of California, 1979.

Cole, Herbert. I am not myself, the art of African. Los Angeles: University of California, 1984.