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Many
African cultures view pots as metaphors for the female figure, and use
such words as lip, mouth, shoulder, belly and foot to refer to distinct
parts of the vessel. Through the
paralleling of the human form with non-living objects, the ceramic vessels
are imbued with deep cultural significance.
“The body is the physical link between ourselves, our souls, and
the outside world. It is the medium through which we most directly
project ourselves in social life; our use and presentation of it say precise
things about the society in which we live, the degree of our integration
within that society, and the controls which society exerts over the inner
man” (Ebin, 1979; 5). Taken from
the introduction to Victoria Ebin’s The
Body Decorated, this quote emphasizes the role of the human figure
as a visual, tangible communicator of a society’s beliefs and values,
specifically those regarding social order and the spiritual world. Such cultural values are conveyed in African
ceramic vessels that refer to the human form or body decoration (specifically
scarification). Thus the simple
form of a Zulu beer pot, for example, is transformed from a purely functional
vessel into an object which serves the cultural identity and ideology
of its society. The feminine
form, as opposed to the masculine, is most often referred to in African
pottery, and this preference among African cultures is of undeniable symbolic
significance. African pottery,
with few exceptions, is typically a women’s art. In the arts of the Zulu and the Benue-Valley
cultures of Offered
here are two examples of ceramic vessels that, although quite different
in form and function and taken from cultures distant from one another,
together illustrate the African emphasis on the powers of the human body. The Zulu beer pot from The
Zulu beer pot features a chevron design repeated four times around the
fullest part, or belly, of the pot. This
pattern is commonly found scarified directly below the navel of the female
members of Zulu society. The position
of this marking draws attention to the womb, and in turn to the reproductive
potential of the woman. This design
is found beaded onto leather aprons worn among rural Zulu women during
pregnancy. It is again placed below the navel in a metaphorical
reference to the womb. Found on
pregnancy aprons, the chevron design is called the amasumpa, “herd of cattle,” motif. Applied to Zulu beer pots, the design recalls
for their users the metaphor common in some regions of South Africa which
compares the brewing of beer to the process of pregnancy (Cole, Harris,
Poynor and Visona, 2001; 491). Thus
the design attributes to the vessels suggestions of birth and emergence
into a new world. Many South African
families use beer pots in ritual offerings to their ancestors with the
hope of ushering the deceased into the spiritual world where they will
offer guidance and protection for the living.
With this purpose, the eldest woman of a household stacks the beer
pots towards the back of her home, and her husband and sons later offer
libations of beer to the ancestors. Whether
identified as the chevron design of scarification patterns or the amasumpa “herd of cattle” motif, the arrangement
of raised dots on the beer pot transforms the ceramic vessel from a simple
object into a significant cultural tool.
Beer and beer pots are significant elements in many facets of Zulu
life, including economic, social, and spiritual life.
Pots of the shape and size shown here are called ukhamba, while similar vessels on a smaller scale are called umancishanem. “The word ncisha,
from which the name [of the smaller vessel] is derived, means ‘to be stingy’.
When beer is served in this container, it probably suggests that the guest
should visit for a short period, drink his beverage, and leave, or it
may mean the host is short of beer” (Barley, 1994; 69).
The Zulu regard the quality and quantity of beer as an indicator
of status and wealth, and the markings of this beer pot thus draw upon
the procreative powers associated with women to reinforce the want of
a plentiful yield of nice beer. The
ceramic ancestor vessel from the Benue-Valley area of Nigeria exhibits
a much more detailed reference to the human body and its decoration. Here, the allusion to the female figure is quite
apparent. Two breasts are placed
above the belly of the pot, and the use of scarification patterns as the
pot’s decorative motifs is much more explicit here than on the Zulu example. Until it was outlawed in the late 1970’s by
their native governments, the people of the Benue-Valley area of Hleeta
designs are seen on many art forms in Nigeria.
These familiar patterns assist in the cultural socialization of
the people and function as communicative symbols among the African cultures. “Decorated pots, tools, compounds…directly
and symbolically reinforce a commitment to order and stability” (Berns,
1988; 71). Ancestor vessels, called hlefendas, contain the spirits of deceased ancestors and are usually
buried in spiritual sites where family and visitors come to offer libations
of beer to the spirit. The cultures
of the Benue-Valley region believe that death is a continuation of life
in another realm, and the decoration of the pots as seen here reinforces
this belief through visual signifiers distinct to their societies. The hleeta
patterns emphasize the female powers of reproduction, suggesting rebirth
and transition into the afterlife. |
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